We will try at first to determine the geographical and cultural politics of the population subdivision between Hutu , Tutsi and Twa guided by the following questions:
• This distinction is it a characteristic of the ancient civilization Inter-lake?
• Is it a phenomenon peculiar to particular cultures or interconnecting spaces sociopolitical and cultural contexts?
• This distinction she covers everywhere the same direction?
Then we will ask the question of the historicity of the categories Hutu , Tutsi and Twa asking us include:
Can we assess the historical depth?
• Is the categories originally distinct from one another or, on the contrary, identification categories correlated process from internal differences within a population?
• The emergence of these categories is it recognizable?
• The meaning of ” Hutu “,” Twa “ and “Tutsi” has it evolved?
• Is it historically ethnonym assumed or assigned? In other words, is it prescribed identities and suffered, or otherwise self claimed and assumed?
Growing phenomenon Hutu -Tutsi-Twa
The terms Hutu , Tutsi and Twa are found in Burundi and Rwanda with close meanings. But these three municipalities, specifically Barundi of Burundi add a fourth, that of Ganwa which means representatives of large families that were chosen rulers and leaders. Like the Babito of Bunyoro, this group attributed the natural vocation of government and considered different from other segments of the population.Further south, the elite pastoral Buha was commonly referred to as “Tusi or Tutsi , “but the term Hutu , was generally not widely used as a nickname by locals. As for the term Twa seems unusual in Giha.
Spaces in the Tanzanian Eastern Rwanda, there is little evidence landmark vernacular terms Hutu and Tutsi, it is the same in parts of Uganda have never been included in the ancient kingdom of Rwanda . However, the term is found in omutwa languages Kiga, Nkore and Nyoro.
West of Burundian and Rwandan space: Bushi at Buhavu at Buhunde Balega and in Sile, we find a class of people called by different names derived from the root twa “murhwa” language Shi and Haavu; mutswa in Tembo. These terms generally refers to groups residing in the forest practice hunting and gathering and are often attached to the pygmies. In the end Tembo namwamitswa (banamwamitswa plural) means a pygmy woman who slept with the king ritually after his enthronement.
Found in this region, a category of “Baluzi” or “Baluci” that some Western observers have equated the Tutsi, but the occurrence of the categories ” Hutu “ and “Tutsi” is not proven. In Bantu languages of western Lake Kivu root luzi has a political connotation of “superiority” and “nobility” , which resembles that of the category Ganwa Burundi. In these territories whose paramount chiefs were called Bami, as in Rwanda, it seems a significant body of auxiliary power here and there Baluzi appointed Tutsi, occupied similar functions. But beyond this functional analogy, the history of settlement in the region, and that of amoko we mentioned earlier shows that it would be wrong to infer bio-ethnic identity common these different groups.
In Ijwi Island, which was very temporarily attached to Rwanda under Kigeri Rwabugiri IV, are also found Baluzi. But we do not find here not more qualified indigenous Hutu or Tutsi. For islanders Havu tradition, this differentiation was also not relevant to distinguish Rwandan them: they called collectively migrants from Rwanda “Badusi” , a term derived from Tutsi.
This overview of the neighboring countries of Rwanda can measure fairly widespread root “twa” and the restriction of the geographical terms Hutuand Tutsi, in a region of Africa where population movements, cultural exchanges and matrimonial alliances were multiple. The interconnecting social historian Jean-Pierre Chrétien has rightly called Rwanda and Burundi to “bastion the phenomenon Hutu -Tutsi “ . In fact, outside of the geographical area of Rwanda and Burundi and their immediate neighborhood to the east and south, no region of the Interlake area has developed such a categorization of the population. In the wake of speculation explorers, researchers have attempted to reconcile the Rwandan-Burundian distinction Hutu -Tutsi-Hima torque Bairu we met Nkore but it is only an analogy of social organizations.
This restriction of use area identifications Hutu and Tutsi supports the idea of a secondary character categories Hutu , Tutsi. The most convincing hypothesis is that these categories Rwanda-Burundi are the result of processes of internal differentiation within communities with common historical, political and cultural yet to be identified. The stories of the origins of Rwanda they allow us to advance in the understanding of the genesis of these categories? We will learn from these potential traditions after describing the main myths that underpin the social and political imagination of the ancient kingdom of Rwanda.
Hutu , Tutsi and Twa in oral traditions
Dating what is probably incorrectly named “oral tradition” is a problem unsolved to this day. The occurrence of the terms Hutu , Tutsi and Twa in Rwanda oral histories can not itself assess the age of these terms. In the chapter entitled “Chronicles Rwandan mythical and historical” , we had the opportunity to meet the changes appeared in the historical narratives produced a bard another without altering the fundamental structure and themes of the stories.This finding does not necessarily mean that the stories ibitekerezo are shaping historical memory unchanged since its initial formulation closer to the events narrated. Eeu regard to the general conditions of human transmission, it seems reasonable to develop stories that have been frozen by their written form, not as the result of a collective memory unaltered but as the result of being in successive forms, the modern and carved over generations canvas patterns combining symbolic immemorial and contemporary concerns of the narrators and their audiences. Following formula Jean-Pierre Chrétien, it is likely that the final texts of historical narratives in general and those founding narratives in particular, amalgamate several memories and they must be decrypted as palimpsests superimposing several layers narrative.
Sabizeze-Kigwa and Ibimanuka
We begin our pilgrimage “mythical archaeological” terms Hutu , Tutsi and Twa in the universe of stories ibitekerezo, by exposing the myth of the birth of Sabizeze, the ancestor of the rulers of Rwanda. Here is the basic plot of this story to capture the imagination of Rwanda:Sabizeze is the son of the King of Heaven from above or King, whose name is Royal Nkuba (Lightning), his own name being Shyerezo (The Last End, The Outcome). His mother one of the wives of the heavenly sovereign is Queen Gasani “The sacred” .
The King wanted Nkuba expand its empire by conquest. He gathered his counselors, and explained his desire. The Board engaged the king to consult the omens. Soothsayers-abanyambuto, ie those “seed” , a bull sélectionnèrent appropriate, collected saliva King called “seed” for the occasion. Ritual gestures made, abanyambuto made to swallow the liquid ominous bull before sacrifice. It is by reading the entrails of animals, and “seeded” by the fluid that became prominent concluded that the project would be realized heavenly sovereign, but not Shyerezo itself, but not a son who was yet unborn.
When the soothsayers had returned to the palace to report on their consultation Gasani Queen, on the advice of her counselor Impanvu (Cause), stole the heart of the sacrificial bull, placed it in a pot and sprinkled Erythrina daily milk for nine months. At the end of this period, she found in the container a little baby floating in the curd. She called Sabizeze “The use of opportunity” . Nkuba wanted to delete the child born under circumstances so strange, but the grace of smiling infant had because of the deadly intent.
During his adolescence Sabizeze left home following an argument, and“piercing” the floor of heaven, which is the limit of the earth, “fell to the East” . He then took the name of Kigwa, “The Dropped” . It was under this name that he founded, without knowing it, an embryo kingdom, which became, at the time of his son Muntu, the “Human” , the Kingdom of Humans, Abantu. Thus the son of Nkuba realized unwittingly, responding to the circumstances of the moment, the big project that Heavenly Father had designed.
Myths of the first dynasty narrate the adventures of Sabizeze during his childhood and youth in the sky, and once on earth, with its celestial companions, relations between “Those of Heaven” and Ibimanuka “Those found on Earth” Abasangwa -butaka that marriage be based on“Kingdom of Earth” . Also, the Rwandan rulers of the dynasty nyiginya, descending Nkuba ultimately, they are of heavenly origin. More generally, the offspring of the first line are mestizos of heaven and earth.
Sabizeze Kigwa fell on the ground, with his brother and sister and a couple of servants twa east of Rwanda, near the big rock Ikinani, the “good behavior” , in which they took refuge . They fraternized with the local hospitality granted them. In return, the children of the Heavenly thunder gave the son of earth, ruled by King Kabeja a little fire they had brought with them from heaven, and they learned them all purposes.
Later Kigwa conceived a son with his sister, he named Muntu, “The human” . The denier is metaphorically the father of all men – Muntu nor w’Abantu bose – instituted the first dynasty of the kings of Rwanda.
It should be noted that this part of the oral tradition Rwandan probably does not only Rwanda, understood in the modern sense, but on the uRwanda, that is to say “the world” . This is clearly stated in the previous statement, or isi uRwanda yose, “Rwanda is the world” . Whenever the founding narratives mention the term or phrase uRwanda uRwanda Rugari the “big uRwanda” he meant “the world” that is to say, the planetary realm of Muntu, “Humans” , which distinguishes uRwanda RWA Gasabo, “the country Gasabo” , that is to say, the tiny territory considered the birthplace of the future Rwandan state that had its epicenter Mount Gasabo.
Vansina Rwanda recalls that the term literally means “the area occupied by a swarm or a scattering” is a vast space. Originally, the term was always used in Rwanda to adding a marker specifying the place mentioned.“Gasabo The dispersal” and indicated the area occupied by people who spread from Gasabo, “Rwanda Kamonyi” , the people who spread Kamonyi. In historical accounts mwami could say “my Rwanda” and be told “tone Rwanda” to designate the area inhabited by all those who obeyed him. And find there in a historical narrative, recounting the deeds of Ruganzu Ndori the following dialogue between the heroic conqueror and his faithful messenger Kavuna.
Ndori asked:
Mbwira uko uRwanda rwa data rumeze [Tell me how is the father of Rwanda].
Kavuna said:
Imigezi yarakamye [The rivers are dried]
inkoko zirabikira mu magi , [sing in hens eggs]
baralilira abana mu za banyma nes ; [children crying in the wombs of their mothers]
none ngwino uvune uRwanda rwa so . [Then just save your father Rwanda]
Still according to the founding narratives, Gihanga, a descendant of Sabizeze-Kwiga is the eponymous ancestor of all Rwandans who define themselves as mythically “bene Gihanga” “children Gihanga. “ The name means Gihanga “Founder” . This key figure in Rwandan culture has long been regarded as a historical figure.
The stories that we discussed so far must be understood not as the case history of a memory, but as the founding myths of links, establishing a political community of historical imagination. Jean-Pierre Chrétien rightly points out that, in societies of oral traditions, narratives of origin have to be based on “social charters and policies, kinds of unwritten constitutions, founding an order whose legitimacy is thus predicated on the narrative mode. But the immutability of this order is as mythical as the supposed fixity of the story supposed to express. Quasi-literary formalization of the latter gives both stability and consistency aesthetic and symbolic richness particular. ‘
A note should be made here: if these stories evoke foundations marginally Batwa through the couple of servants who accompanied Kigwa in its fall on earth, they do not use at any time the terms “Tutsi” and ” Hutu “ outside Mututsi own name which is rigged half-brother Sabizeze-Kigwa. The fundamental differentiation which is posed by origin myths is that between the ibimanuka of abasangwa butaka, ie beings “from the sky” and those“found on earth” . This pattern is not strictly symbolic Rwandan we find particularly Buganda with Kintu character.
The characters in these stories echo the politics of Rwanda seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth century. They refer in clan landscape refracted through reference to the dynastic amoko from Kigwa and Gihanga to amoko matridynastiques from Mututsi amoko and considered by the court tradition of central role as custodians of ritual ubuse.
This distribution of the eminent symbolic functions are found in the ubwiru an institution essential to the legitimation of kingship. “Three major biru or” kings “ rituals came from each of these three groups respectively Tsobe a Kono and Singapore. The Bacyaba also had a “king laugh” every rule. Mwiru tsobe the “king” in Bumbogo represented a lineage ritual associated with the cult of the firstfruits of sorghum, which also provided batabazi, that is to say “liberators” supposed to sacrifice in war to save the country when it was threatened. It should be noted, however, that Rutsobe their eponymous ancestor, is very marginal in line Gihanga. As for Mwiru kono, he was also Bumbogo in charge of the estate, but this function was created only during the reign of Cyirima Rugwe, the second kings truly historic (after Ruganzu Bwimba) in the sixteenth century. The Mwiru Singapore finally returns especially in narrative cycle Gihanga through Barenge Dynasty, while the cycle is rather Kigwa before the “indigenous” Bazigaba.
Myths of origin are therefore echo the situation of clans in Rwanda during the nineteenth century in an approximate way or shifted. The most influential positions in the pre-colonial Rwanda we know are not necessarily the dominant roles staged in legends and Kigwa Gihanga. These fault lines led to wonder if the secondary roles were not introduced in the course of history, each group having to justify its presence in the Rwandan society representation in the corpus which refers to the fundamental national collective memory . We shall return to this dialectic of periodic reconstruction.
Gahutu , and Gatutsi Gatwa
Myths about the origin of the difference between Batwa and Tutsi Hutu do not belong to this body linked to the tradition of the court (iby’ibwami), but are, it seems rather popular tradition (ibyo rubanda muri).Here is one of them: “The myth of the eldest month”
A man named Kibaza (eternal interrogator) arrived in Rwanda while the country was still a forest. He cleared the forest, cultivated and made planting. The days passed. He fathered three successive boys grew up together like twins. The eldest, Gatwa played the spoiled child of gluttony and lightness monopolized his heart Gahutu , he loved farming and helping her mother with housework, but he had little intelligence Gatutsi passed his two brothers in growth, he passed agility and intelligence, and added to it the art of flattery and cunning.
Kibaza cultivated sorghum during Werurwe moon (lunar month corresponding to March-April) and the puny harvested during Tumba (dry season). He planted the beans for Kaboza (December-January) and the sun Mutarama (January-February) abîmait in full bloom.
He said: “If I sent someone in Kimenyi (the scientist), he would tell me what is the eldest moons and I know well what is the time of sowing and the harvest. “ He gathered his son and said, “Prepare sufficient provision and leave promptly at Kimenyi ask of me what is the eldest of months.Gatwa is the oldest forward the message. And you Gahutu if Gatwa forget something reminds him. About Gatutsi, it will keep you company. ‘
On the way Gatwa who wore the provisions ate unbeknownst to his brothers. Gahutu asked for sweet people they met and ate for the way he ate also gleaning ears of sorghum that walking. Gatutsi took care of the food for fear they do not comfortable. He sank a rope around the belly and waited Gatutsi who had hitherto listened without moving even heard the words of the woman to her husband: “It was really well:” koko Ukuri Izina if ryo muuntu “name that is not the person! Should inform you as if you did not know that the eldest month ukwakira that welcomes all seeds: the rain falls and beans are planted, finger millet is sown, the sweet potatoes are grown, squash, yams and many other seeds are in the ground? – It seems to me that this is so, replied Kimenyi. “ When the couple were asleep, Gatutsi able to get up and join the layer of his brothers.
The next Kimenyi deceived the children by telling them that the elder was Mutarama months. He did that Kibaza not know the time of culture and is hungry. Children returned to the home. When they arrived, their father asked what was the Gatwa message: he said to his father that the elder is Mutarama moons because he had heard Gahutu . Gatutsi corrected and said it is Gahutu who got this response Kamenyi, but in reality is the eldest moons ukwakira and he told how Kamenyi sought to deceive them.
Kibaza remembered the days of his will, he made Gatutsi the head of the family Gahutu should obey him and take care of the hard work of the earth. About Gatwa he will no consideration of person will be taken away and live those things that delighted his jokes will give him.
The myth of the jar of milk is also well known and often quoted. Here are the essential framework:
Imana, happy God of the hills, which sought to entrust the herd of cows in Rwanda. One evening, he went down on his favorite ground. He told Gatwa, Gahutu Gatutsi and a jar of milk. Having done so, ascended Imana in the Celestial Empire. In the morning he returned to the scene at the end of the night ancestor, see that the three men had his jar of milk.Leaving his first sleep, Gahutu had thirst. He drank milk and was back to bed.
At dawn, when the night” said when calves stir” Gatwa had struggled in her sleep, her jar was reversed, the earth drank the milk. When the sun had Bulyazuba the country where they eat the sun, Imana Gatutsi found crouching with his jar of milk and sure. Seeing Imana, Gatutsi swiftly removed the lid and are well-bred people as a drink offering covered was an insult.
” You do not like my milk? asked God – If Lord replied Gatutsi, but I thought you’d come back to Rwanda, our country is so beautiful. And you would be thirsty. So I kept it for you. Wood Lord.” Then Imana told Gatutsi “Ganza reigns! “He cursed Gatwa and made a pariah among his brothers and gave the order to Gahutu be subordinate to his brother Gatutsi.
The test of the jar of milk is sometimes supplemented by another which is to build a hut on the rock, and only Gahutu successful manifesting his practical, technical competence and his taste for domestic life. In yet another version, Gatutsi retains its intact and receives milk cows Gahutufew drops of milk on her hands and manifest its value in his work, and the woman dropped into her lap and will function to give birth, as to Gatwa, he drinks all showing that there is nothing to expect from him gluttony.Another judgment specifies that Gatutsi Traíra cow, Gahutu Traíra fields and forest Gatwa Traíra.
Peter Smith commented, philosophy of the story of the eldest moons, in which the three brothers are responsible for bringing a message of life, the answer to avoid starvation. ” In all versions of this tale Gahutu Gatwa go and commit the same errors: precipitation, greed and neglect, illness, inappropriate sleep and ignorance are the links of the same chain and make man the prisoner’s death . In contrast, self-control, abstinence, measurement, to ensure the provision, courage, discretion are virtues attributed to Gatutsi. These qualities provide the protective role of guardian of the secrets of life: those of fertility and the cycle of the seasons. The legitimacy of its rule is based on its role as mediator between the forces of heaven and the organization of life on earth. ‘
The importance of respect for life is staged in another story that also disqualifies Gatwa.
Imana called Tutsi and highlighting their intelligence, they offer: You are the only class interesting weapons here, get rid of others. Tutsi reflect the usefulness and other refuse. The Hutu thinking and refuse to turn, because they need Tutsi to arbitrate conflicts and protect them, and Twa to make pots and fun. When it was the turn of the Twa, they darken without thinking and Imana arrest them and cursed. They can no longer bear arms under the orders of the Tutsi.
In another version, the Twa are also refuse and women, tired of being mocked by men, which darken to kill them. Imana stops them, exposes them the disadvantages of their conduct, and they admit that they had not thought of it. Imana decrees as to carry weapons must first know and think it poses for women, the absolute ban on carrying weapons.
The reasons for these etiological narratives are not properly Rwandan and are found especially in Nyoro traditions: the names of the protagonists are no longer Gahutu , and Gatutsi Gatwa but Kakama, Kahima and Kairu, eponymous ancestors of kings (bakama) of Bahima and Bairu.
Ruhanga which is the origin of everything, endowed humans all that is necessary to their existence. He created the sun, the night, moon, birds, herbs, tools (knife, hammer, ax), livestock and fire. Nkya Mba Ruhanga brother had four son, the elder called Kantu (small thing) and three met the same name Kana (small child). This posed a problem when the father called son as it was one that presented itself.
To end this confusion, Nkya Mba organized a contest that will allow him to give each son’s name would suit him. He summoned them to his home and gave each of them a pot of milk (ikisahi) and then sent them away. On the way, Nkya Mba had placed various objects: a basket of sorghum, sweet potatoes, a cushion herbs, an ax, a knife, a rope used to tie the legs during milking cows and an ox’s head. Reached this place, the oldest and the youngest abandoned pots of milk entrusted by the father. The first began to eat the food. Since there ¬ rear VAIT not finish everything, he seized the pad herbs, put him on the head and took the rest. As the youngest, he preferred to take the bull’s head.
Ruhanga organized a second round. After the evening milking, he gave back a pot of milk at each of the three children and asked them to hold until morning. Awkward, the youngest spilled a little milk, he begged his brothers who agreed to add a few drops each and pot was filled again, in the middle of the night, the eldest threw all her milk in the morning and found himself in the hands empty.
Following these tests, Ruhanga imposed a name to each. The eldest, who was overthrown and taken all the sorghum, which would be responsible renamed Kairu cultures, the second of which the jar was half full name would be responsible Kahuma and cattle, the third who had yet his pot full of milk and took the head of beef is called Kakama. Ruhanga gave him the power to govern and rule his brothers on the Kitara. It was he who, according to tradition, was the first ruler of Kitara and gave them as the kings that followed (abakama).
In another version, and his wife Nyamuhanga Nyabagabe begot a child they named Kintu; Kintu who became the first king of Kitara married and conceived three children: Kairu, and Kahima Kakama. Shortly before dying Kintu would appoint his successor, he presented to his son three things: a piece of iron, container and wood of a tree trunk. Who then asked everyone to choose the object that seemed to them the most important Kairu should choose the piece of iron, container and took Kahima Kakama bore his choice on the wood. Kintu told them that each had chosen his vocation: the piece of iron hoe representing the Kairu: he would take care of the crops, container wood Kahima meaning the pot for milking cows: they take care of the livestock timber Kakama of designating the drum: it is sovereign.
As seen stories of origins have a value etiological and tend to justify a social division of labor and the rule of the monarchical function.Variations of these stories reflect, as kingdoms , the diversity of socio-political configurations but they do no ¬ opposition staged a racial type as the central characters of these myths are brothers.
Rwandan mythical references also establish the brotherhood of all Banyarwanda along the hierarchy defining the dominant values of society.Not surprisingly, these myths have not failed to be taken, variously interpreted either by increasing the original brotherhood Gahutu , and Gatwa Gatutsi and thus of all Rwandans, or to legitimize the domination of one social or otherwise denounce a situation of bondage centuries.
Josiah Semujanga denounces anachronistic ideological interpretations have been made of this legend. For him, the essential function of myths Gihanga son would explain the origin of patrilineal and qualities due to the head of the lineage Rwanda. The threshold of death, he reports, each father could Recapture the narrative of events Gahutu , and Gatwa Gatutsi to designate his successor as head of the umuryango or inzu. And he concludes: “The signifiers Hutu , Tutsi, and Twa are only moral attributes of the triptych Munyarwanda. Only implicitly monarchy nyiginya to establish its legitimacy, has used the myth of Gihanga Kigwa or to make an ally of the Tutsi political power, this does not keep the myth founder of the genesis of a line Munyarwanda. ‘
Whatever the interpretations that are assigned meaning “Twa”, ” Hutu “,” Tutsi “the fact remains that each of them is linked to a different semantic field. “Gatwa” refers to spoiled child, greed, forgetfulness, carelessness, curse, lightweight, non-compliance and ritual restrictions; Gahutu “refers to a worker, love of the land, greed, simplicity, reduced intelligence …;” Gatutsi “refers agile, temperance, control, intelligence, art flatter ruse. It is therefore at least articulate a hierarchy of reference values of Rwandan society that carry myths.
Oral traditions and settlement of Rwanda
The original theory of autochthony Batwa, the ancient settlement but subsequent Bahutu and more recent migration of pastoralists Hamites – Tutsi who have colonized the “first peoples” of Rwanda was sometimes supported by vague reference to Rwandan oral tradition.Peter Smith who worked to collect them, as well as the study of folk tales throughout the Great Lakes region reported that if the myths of origins, ibirari, refer to the hierarchy Gatwa, Gahutu Gatutsi and no oral source does not hint at any Tutsi invasion or even an order of establishment of each of these groups. Jean-Pierre Chrétien, history Gahutu , Gatutsi and Gatwa would also marginal in oral traditions and would face patch. Its current popularity much reiteration should use political and ideological twentieth century.
The same historian also believes that it is the contemporary ideologies that have taken myths and Kigwa Gihanga to these two characters original symbols of a Tutsi invasion from the north. But in these oral traditions are not associated with an ethnic partition of society but rather, as we have already mentioned, the history of Rwanda amoko. In fact many of them refer to the act of Kigwa Gihanga and their mythical genealogies. The amoko some modern dynasties are mentioned in the stories of foundation: Banyiginya Rwanda, Bahondogo Bugesera Bashambo of Ndorwa. The ibirari also refer to the ubwoko which furnish the greatest number of queenmothers bami of Rwanda since the eighteenth century. Are also being amoko abasangwa butaka scenes – they said “found on earth” – Bazigaba, and Bagesera Basinga. The latter, according to Jean-Pierre Chrétien, have founded the “old ruling dynasties across the northern third of Rwanda and is current. Each of these groups is represented in the heads of major royal rituals, called the abiru through Tsobe respective clans, the Bakono, and Basinga. “ The texts of these rituals do they refer to the distinction between Twa, Hutu and Tutsi?
It is the study of this question relate developments to follow.
Hutu , Tutsi and Twa in royal rituals “ubwiru”
The bami nyiginya inaugurated their reign and continued participating in rituals intended on the one hand, to affirm support material and spiritual country, its people, its land, herds, and secondly, to ensure its security and avert the calamities recurring. Each protocol ritual is called “path” Inzira. All these rites is called ubwiru. The meaning of this term is not clear. According to Alexis Kagame, ubwiru mean “secret inviolable” , but this is an explanation of the esoteric nature of royal rituals and texts related to it, rather than an actual definition. The etymology of this term remains uncertain. It has been suggested a relationship between ubwiru ubwire and the “dark” , understood as a dark veil that covers the earth.Ubwiru would mean “that which is hidden, veiled things” . Mwami and the Queen Mother were umugabekazi officiants main ceremonies. In this function, they were keepers assisted compliance abiru ritual in their various categories, including three main bami were called, as the highest political authority in Rwanda.The ritual texts were assigned to specific lineages. They assumed the burden of ensuring the storage and conservation of generations of valuable ways. Within lineages abiru, this transmission was not done necessarily from father to son, for he had not only demonstrate the skills required to learn the “craft” of officiating in ritualistic, but also to become capable of living archives remember by heart long texts, without ever changing anything or forget any detail – under penalty of death, they say.
The 17 texts ubwiru covered field upstream of the laws and regulations of the kingdom. He prescribed conduct to prevent or overcome the serious crises for the nation to implement rites natural disasters type droughts, floods, livestock disease …; rites to be performed periodically to the opening of hunting, watering cows, premises …; rites to be performed in war; rites concerning the creation of a new sovereign tasks assigned to the descendants of such families or people in such province.
The terms Hutu Tutsi and Twa are uncommon in the ritual texts. The term” Hutu “appears three times in the course of the premises, Inzira y’umuganura with the meaning of “person in the service” of a rite. Thus, during the ceremony umuganura beginnings, the basket containing the sorghum was at the center of the ritual was carried in procession and treated with equal Karinga dynastic drum. The ritual requires that it is a ” muhutu “ attached to the court belonging to the military training“Intarindwa” bringing it in the basket mwami. This is the end of this reception the basket of firstfruits is given a ” muhutu any “ , ” umuhutuubonetse Weese “ procession that carries until the end of the rite. The honor went to the basket of firstfruits is comparable to that visited the royal drum “Karinga.”
Here is the letter of the channel:
66
Bukir umwam akakira [mwami The evening is the act]
Umuhutu intarindwa w [A Hutu of unapproachable]
Agahenger ingoma zitarabambura [Guette when the drums sound the alarm]
Agatindura gicuba cya [To empty the pot just before]
70
Akijyanir umutsim akirira [He takes the dough and eat]
Bikab aho [things left there]
Ukwezi kukajya gushira [Almost until the end of the moon]
In this passage, the scribe of the ritual did not see fit to translate Umuhutu.
If they had decided, translation: ” Umuhutu intarindwa w “ could be: “One of the servants of the unapproachable. ‘
Moreover, the term ” Hutu “ covers a different meaning. It seems sometimes used to mean “representative of farmers” . In this sense, the ” muhutu “ is sometimes specified as “descendant of Myaka” . The term“imyaka” , the plural meaning or cereal crops. Myaka could be the name of a mythical ancestor of the farmers. The code also refers to the ” Hutu “ by the name of “descendant of Musana and Mumbogo” .
As Tsoobe, these ” Bahutu Myaka descendant of Musana and Mumbugo “were probably like some Tsoobe, representatives of farmers ritualistic.This inciterai the yet to interpret the term muhutu in this context to mean“representative ritual farmers” .
The esoteric code uses the term “Umututsi” when talking about the existence of mwami before his inauguration and his identity when he was still a being common.
The ubwiru describes the protocol by which the personal being who is called to be the supreme mediator between the country and the forces of Reproductive imana incorporates sovereignty. According ubwiru be mututsi is a condition that leaves mwami by induction. Cowhide that will now place the sheep symbolizes this change.
Induction protocol specifies as follows:
91
Umwam akicara mu Kirambi
Kuu Ntebe there íintéeko
Isérereye hw íntaama
Yĕrejw Akir uumutuutsi
95
N áaho yiimyé
Kukw iyo yiimyé
Atongéra kwambar intaama
Yambar Inka gusa
In French:
Mwami sits in the middle of the house
On the throne
Which has been bound to the skin of a sheep
Designated as positive when it was still Tutsi
And when he was inducted
Because when inducted
He does not wear sheepskin
It does a cowhide
Profane the name of the new sovereign was before the advent and reign name he now charge for carry proclaimed to the people assembled for the occasion. This ritual takes place during the ceremony of the first fruits.
Here is an excerpt of the ritual text:
Bagerakukarubanda, umutsoobe mukuru, Ati dor umwami waa rubanda nyu, Izina rv’ubutuutsi or kaanaka, I ry’ubwami or kaanaaka
When they get to the public the main Tsoobe said:
“People here is your king. His name is as Tutsi, His name is such a reign “
The occurrence of the word Twa is much higher than that of the wordsHutu and Tutsi. It appears nineteen times. “This is a first case of a woman without breasts in a ritual to ward off sterility (ikirumbo, lane 2: 10 times), and in another case it is the family from Bwami Twa, Keepers of the Fire Gihanga (channel 6 and channel 17 fire enthronement, during resuscitation Fire Gihanga; 4 times) in the third case, it is the family that owns Twa Mahenehene the official executioner (channel 11, 2 times), and finally the fourth case of the Twa musicians (lanes 7 and 11; 3 times). “If, therefore, the terms Tutsi, Hutu , and Twa are present texts of ubwiru, their use is infrequent.
Opposition, or even their distinction term by term, not appear anywhere.The recurring themes of ubwiru do however demonstrate a range of concerns that reveal a cluster of values.
As analyzed Servilien Sebasoni, these values are embodied in ritual figures: Mwami, through mystical and sovereign guarantor of prosperity, fertility and Homeland Security and all living beings; drum emblem of sovereignty ingoma the men, abagabo; women abagore; cows, inka, territory, uRwanda, the people of Rwanda, rubanda, land and culture.
Hutu , Tutsi and Twa in proverbs and folk tales
In none have attempted to demonstrate an alleged contempt or mutual distrust between ethnic groups said the statement from proverbs referring to the quality of Hutu , Tutsi or Twa.Rhetoric uses Rwandan proverbs actually happy by introducing point-blank in the conversation as authority. But it must be admitted that it is precisely as a process that has value only in terms of performative silence of the party or its ability to respond in the same way one by retorting Another adage.
Nevertheless, proverbs, adages and other popular-imigani *, show a limited but thought, popularized by its recovery in the common speech, at least partially escapes the control of sacred powers or policies. Examine the proverbial evocations Rwandan mentioning categories Hutu , Tutsi and Twa is essential counterpoint to the study of their occurrences in texts rituals and other traditions tied closely to the course. From their review, which analyzes are possible?
First introduce some caution about. The interpretation of proverbs poses difficult problems, our developments should be considered as hypotheses and not as sweeping assertions, even when conditional caution does not explicitly emphasize.
In the introduction to their book listing some 4,500 proverbs, and Crépeau Bizimana that “The interpretation of the proverb is an abstraction, a bit like the concept of mass in physics or the biology of the gene. This is a general idea applicable to various situations and covering an area moving and flexible semantics, whose configuration is constantly changing under the pressure of new applications. ‘
Like any cultural trait proverb is a component of a system of meanings and system actions. The difficulty is to determine both knowing that each has evolved over time. The risk of anachronism and erroneous interpretations are evident, and, especially the evaluation of the historical depth of such a sentence is often impractical or uncertain, excluding rare cases or index can locate the statement in time.
This is for example the case of the proverb: Nzamukerekwa or Mwene Senkobwa umutwa. Literally translated this means saying “I’ll show is the son of the Twa Senkobwa “and means: “When the opportunity arises I will prove that I speak the truth. I’ll show you in flagrante delicto. “ The mention of names Senkobwa historically situates the emergence of this popular expression.
Simon and Pierre Crépeau Bizimana comment: “Twa Senkobwa was during the reign of Musinga lived hill Nyanza near Butare. Executioner of the court, he remained in the tradition as the executor, including the magician Nkiramacu, the hill Musange character who gave his name to sag between the hills and Ruhande Cyarwa: umukoni wa Nkira . ‘
But such an index is rare and the vast majority of cases the listener or reader remains in limbo regarding the assessment of seniority awards popular.
More ancient form can be given a radically new or different meanings depending receive the middle or proverb is stated. A positive trait can change valence. Discretion, the ability to keep a secret can be taken for grades or on the contrary as evidence of a malevolent strategy. Finally note that, as set out in performative referred, the entire meaning of a proverb is apprehensible theory that if we can determine the contexts of utterance. But as we also noted Crépeau and Bizimana, it would be unrealistic to try to determine the actual situational context of each statement. Indeed, given the large number of proverbs identified and their wide circulation, and given that the art of saying lies mainly in its application to new situations, it is clear that the circumstances of time and place, the social event and interlocutors, who constitute the appropriate situation to quote a proverb can vary almost infinitely. These preliminary precautions should not necessarily leading to a radical skepticism.
Examination of proverbs, here evoking those categories called “ethnic” by colonial anthropology is rich education. The relative frequency of themes, proverbs, consistency or contradictions internal to a thematic networking of reasons, here are valuable in determining intentionality underlying a particular proverb or a series of sayings and reasonably support our conjectures. Thus the analysis of the frequency of occurrence of the termsHutu , Tutsi and Twa certifies first marginality proverbs containing these terms among thousands identified to date. The index of the collection and Crépeau Bizimana mentions 21 occurrences of the term Hutu , Tutsi 17 and 6 Twa. While compiling these researchers is not exhaustive, these frequencies being compared with those topics related to the entity for the principle-imana to humanity and the heart – and umuntu umutima – the exchange and show solidarity marginality proverbs mentioning three categories Hutu , Tutsi and Twa.
Without going into an analysis of fine content, the popular phrase concealing the words Hutu , Tutsi and Twa, it can be said that the values attached to these terms in proverbs are congruent with those described above in the analysis of imigani featuring Gatwa, Gahutu and Gatutsi. It is important to note that, if the theme of the relationship between strong and weak is recurrent in proverbs, it is exceptionally expressed in terms of opposition Hutu -Tutsi-Twa.
Hypotheses about the origins and evolution of the termsHutu , Tutsi and Twa
For Schoenbrun, ancient societies of Africa Great Lakes initially perceived as groups of neighborhoods (ibihugu in Kinyarwanda) distinct from the others. The different variations of radical hanga found in most languages Interlake would initially appeared to express the notion of “foreignness” of neighboring groups in the context of multiculturalism and coexistence of primitive expression groups Bantu, Sudanic, Cushitic … Under this scenario, the process of exchange and interaction between regional communities of different languages would have generated a sense of self which forms have evolved. In the context of mergers and cultural traditions of farming systems differentiated societies later became the term Bantu Mahanga could have initially been applied to communities or individuals who continued to cultivate lifestyles Sudanic, is Sahelian couchite.Origin of the term “Twa”
The term Twa who is not a self-referential term may derive from the logic of qualifying individuals who chose to continue to cultivate their lifestyles based on initial resource forest animals and plants in a company or agro-pastoral activities became dominant.In ancient Rwanda, the ethnonym non-territorial ‘Twa’ was used either as a generic term for groups not practicing or agriculture or livestock, or as a term for some communities practicing pottery surajoutait this ethnonym is the term Impunyu distinction between hunter-gatherers who lived in forests and large marshes. Mutual hostility appears to have colored relations between the Twa of the great forests of the western and northern Rwanda and neighboring farmers could reduce hunting first by clearing the forest. “Avoidance behavior and contempt can be mutual characterized relations between Twa and other people. Not only the Twa and the other did not marry them, but for fear of social contamination they did not drink from the same pitcher could not use the same dishes, had their own huts, their own sources of water … Despite these behaviors, a certain symbiosis existed between Twa and other people, because they exchanged the forest products, especially honey, skins game and against agricultural products. ‘
Stories and anecdotes give Twa an ambivalent image. They are often described as subhuman beings sometimes impure, but they are also praised for their agility, their courage and their musical talents and warlike. Some are friends and spies kings. They also embody wisdom quiet and disillusioned in many stories, comparable to a Nasredin countries of North Africa.
With the term Twa, Tutsi and Hima those are the three ethnonyms non territorialized who introduced a first distinction within the population space Rwanda. There was apparently no term subsuming it originally common people practicing the dominant agricultural activities.Terminology – note Vansina – suggests that farm life was seen as the normal condition of people which should be distinguished people“different” who practiced a different lifestyle.
Origin of the term “Tutsi”
If the term Twa was assigned an ethnonym, the term Tutsi Hima like that seem to have been initially claimed by two ethnonyms specific groups because of their main activity. According to Vansina, “Hima” applied to all farmers in southern Uganda and Buhaya North. Rwanda, Burundi and Karagwe however, “Hima” is designated as common as breeders ‘Tutsi’meant a pastoral elite.The connotations of the term and content Tutsi have evolved particularly in the sense of this distinction in societies where farmers became prominent in the political elite. By Jan Vansina always, the choice of the dynasty nyiginya abandon the designation for the Hima Tutsi would be an indication of this trend. The use of the label “Hima” evolve together. From the first quarter of the seventeenth century (during the reign of Mwami Ndori), the words “Tutsi” win prestige, “Hima” will gradually be reserved for Mutara herders and elite people will also use contemptuous designate farmers lesser social status than themselves. This usage is attested in some stories or ibitekerezo “Hima” is used to denote the “small Tutsis” .
The term is generally considered Tutsi an ethnonym non territorialized.However, Mgr. Kanyamachumbi patient suggests the plausibility of the term Tutsi closer with names. Even though the hypothesis of this researcher seems fragile, as near sound are not evidence of linguistic link, there is no need to explain his reasoning:
Kanyamachumbi noted that in the North-East Nkore, territory within the space of the current Uganda, a place with a name close to the word Tutsi.It is Nutsi which is less than 200 km from the border of Rwanda. This is the name of an archaeological site. It is mentioned in a list of the official residences of the ancient kings of Bunyoro Kitara, under the name“Omuntutsi” .
Investigations reveal that archaeologists like Bigo and Mubende Bwera, Ntusi, was a center of sustainable human settlement from the late first and early second millennium BP Excavations have uncovered a fortified center clay, inhabited by a community practitioner, and both the metal and the cultivation of cereals, including sorghum. Ntusi as Bigo fortifications were surrounded by clay. These ancient cities seem to have been abandoned in the sixteenth century.
From these data Kanyamachumbi asks: “After the fall of the kingdom of Bacwezi, we see that Banyiginya flourish. It did he receive any input from the previous? The question remains open. In any case, nothing excludes a group of people could leave Ntusi to “RWA Rwanda Gasabo” and could revitalize the kingdom and then Banyiginya training. Which would have allowed him to impose on other kingdoms surrounding in the direction of the etymology suggested here, the first people who would or could have been called “Abatutsi” would be part of a group of Rwandans Ntusi have lived in Uganda that would originate. (…) The hypothesis of “Ntusi” simply suggest the origin of a name that could be extended to populations found on the spot, just like the Hutu and Tutsi was extended to all the inhabitants of the ancient kingdom of Rwanda from the center of the country. Thus, a group who lived or would come to Uganda could become a social reference and pass its name from its environment. ‘
The plausibility of such a hypothesis is supported by the recurrence of the process by which territorial ethnonyms were used as a reference and identification for their former nationals and descendants of them.
For example, inside and outside space in Rwanda, from Nduga from Kinyaga and Mulera example, identified themselves and were identified respectively as Abanyanduga, and Abanyakinyaga Abalera. Similarly, today, the name “Banyamulenge “in South Kivu in the current Congo DRC, is awarded to people who lived in “Mulenge” and then spread to other people who have merged with another to form a single cultural community. We have seen that, according to a similar logic, the label amoko Rwanda was probably also connected households from their expansion. Bugesera for Bagesera, Buha for Baha Bushingo for Bashingo … etc..
Kanyamachumbi and concluded: “Royal Residence Paradise and ranchers in the area, or Ntutsi” Omuntutsi “as written Karugire was probably well known Banyarwanda and conversely, the people of the royal court Ntutsi knew Rwanda and Banyiginya dynasty. It is therefore possible that the inhabitants of “Ntutsi” or immigrants returned to Rwanda, for example in connection with the disappearance remained a mystery of the dynasty Bacwezi, have adopted the name of their place of origin. There seems to Rwanda itself, a place called “Ibututsi” in Kayanza. This could be, seems he, the origin of the term “umututsi” and “abatutsi” a name that was used first to describe a royal court, a place for cattle and finally persons related to the royal power and exercising the trade of mainly cattle breeders. ‘
Origin of the term ” Hutu “
The word ” Hutu “ , it would not cause an ethnonym. Vansina assigned as original meanings: “dependent”, “subject”, “domestic”, “clown” . “Before Mwami Mazimpaka (1696-1720), master at the court treated their servants” Hutu “regardless of their origins . “Thus, the entire population of the region Budaha (south-west) was called Hutu because it was part of the corporation in charge of supplying the court. This is where the current expression would refuse service to “Sindi umuhutu wawe “which can be translated literally as” I am not your servant, “but whose meaning has evolved to become the semantic equivalent from the French phrase “occupy your own business.” Referring to Schumacher, Vansina also reports that the term Hutu meant also foreigners, that is to say, “those who do not live in the kingdom and without distinction” .Understand the evolution of the meanings of ” Hutu “ suppose to contextualize the utterance of the word. The connotation of Hutu could mean rather the lower rank to whom it is addressed. It could be pejorative when the quality Hutu was given by the notable third lower and servile.
Hutu would therefore not systematically identified farmers in the first period. This association would have appeared later, in the second half of the eighteenth century, under the reign of Mwami Rujugira (1744-1768) and is linked to the differentiation of functions in the military organization.The armies were composed of various differentiated bodies combatants, foragers, touts and producers. The term Tutsi was applied to any warrior fighter, that of Hutu members of their suite loaded to bear arms.
This differentiation of roles is at the origin of the first distinction institutionalized categories Hutu and Tutsi. Warriors fighters being initially recruited from intore (pages) from the large Tutsi families, the approximation of the words “Tutsi” and “warrior” was promoted. The majority of non-combatants from being farmers, the term Hutu have gradually been applied by the elites to all farmers irrespective of their origins. By the same logic, the elites would come to call all Tutsi pastoralists, again regardless of their origins. This distinction would be circulated to all Rwandophone area and beyond in the growth momentum of the political and cultural influence of the dynasty nyiginya and multiplication armies in the territory.
John of Nepomuk Nkurikiyimfura is assumed that the first stage of cleavage between Mututsi and Hutu would fall after the great achievements of the dynasty that is nyiginya to 1550, when the royal authority of this kingdom dota its field first administrative organization.Therefore, in areas conquered two administrative systems superposèrent that was in force in the areas which had hitherto been kingdomsautonomous one hand, and the system in force in nyiginya core of Rwanda and militias also interested Mwami who settled as “settlers” on newly annexed land in Rwanda RWA Gasabo. Is an essential to note that the designations Hutu and Tutsi were not-used on any area of the current Rwanda. Mgr Patient Kanyamachumbi, noted that the use of the categories” Hutu “,” Twa “,” Tutsi “ , spread geographically As the expansion of political domination nyiginya.
“As small as the RWA uRwanda Gasabo was growing by annexing new principalities, conquered territory became Rwanda, Rwandan population conquered became globally but for reasons of political and administrative organization, including For the IRS, the ruling class of the new people was annexed included among the Tutsi, the common people joined the Hutu and Batwa were classified by their colleagues Batwa.People adopted the new culture and especially language Kinyarwanda. ‘
Point of view contributory rich and the ruling class called Batutsi pay the annual tax cattle, the common people paid the tax for food, small animals and various local handicrafts. Batwa tax paid with the proceeds of the hunt, usually animal skins and ivory. As the tax is paid per family, shortly after the annexation of a new kingdom or principality of a new Rwanda, families Hutu , Tutsi and Twa were identified and well known. It was in the interest of the kingdom of Rwanda and Tutsi leaders in their possession that kept a portion of the tax due to the royal court. In the case of annexation, it became very quickly Hutu , Tutsi and Twa. To illustrate his thesis, Mgr Patient Kanyamachumbi gives the example of former Autonomous ibihugu Ndorwa, and the Bugoyi Kinyaga.
“There are less than two hundred years, some prefectures current Byumba, Ruhengeri, Gisenyi and Cyangugu was not Rwanda. And among the inhabitants of these territories annexed recently in Rwanda, there are now a large number of people whose ancestors were neither Hutu nor Tutsi. Thus, in the Ndorwa whose citizens were Bakiga and social groups composed of Bashambo Bairu and those whose ancestors were annexed to Rwanda no longer called Bas ¬ hambo and Bayiru but Batutsi andBahutu . Similarly, in the Bugoyi and Kinya ¬ ga old Baluzi, or Bahunde Bashi became Tutsi and Hutu . More Bagoyi those who became Ban ¬ yarwanda and who emigrated to Congo (DRC) in the realms of Bahavu Kalehe or Bahunde Masisi are again Ba ¬ hunde. ‘
In this regime contribtion very sharp like the old Rwanda, Mututsi depleted ¬ VAIT to identify among the Hutu and Hutu beneficiary of a herd of cows came into the class Tutsi. This categorization of people, Kanyamachumbi Patient noted, was also not an exception Interlake region.
“In Burundi national society also included the former king and queen, Baganwa Tutsi, the Hutu and Batwa precolonial Buganda had Balangira, the Bataka, and the Bakungu Bakopi. In Bunyoro and Karagwe Nkore precolonial, the national community was in each of these states, composed of Babito b ‘engoma formerly Bacwezi, the Bahima and Bayiru, the former national community Ndorwa included Bashambo and Bayiru.Later in Central Africa, the Lunda kingdom had a population precolonial and distributed; addition Mwant Jav-who is the king and the queen mother, there were Answan the Ilol and Tulamb.
In all these various communities, or Bacwezi Babito b ‘engoma the Balangira the Baganwa and Answan were and were still nobles of royal blood. The Bakungu of Buganda, Rwanda’s Tutsi and Ilol Lunda were senior officials of the kingdom specifically responsible for collecting taxes. It is not unlikely that the Bahima Bunyoro of Nkore, Karagwe and Tutsi in Burundi had the same function. The bulk of taxpayers consisted of Bakopi in Buganda, the Hutu in Rwanda and Tulamb in Lunda, Congo (DRC) and Angola. ‘
Thus, with the politico-administrative system nyiginya each and every citizen of the kingdom of Rwanda was divided into three categories permeable social and solidarity, the founders of the former Rwanda have put there the fundamental principles of unity and national integration. The tax system was a political instrument that allowed the kingdom of Rwanda wishes to extend to ensuring integration and the friendliness of its residents.
Servilien Sebasoni is that for all Rwandans, even the experts: “There have always been hesitation to say, (…) if Rwandans were Hutu or Tutsi by race, by wealth or social status. “ The complexity of the terms ” Hutu “Twa”, “Tutsi” , is that their meanings are arranged according to a plurality of channels semantics, which must be distinguished even if they are interspersed throughout the story. One is related to the economic specialization and tax (polarization agricultural or pastoral), a second is political (importance of social status), a third is related to the award of a mythical origin transmitted on a patrilineal a fourth is related to ethical behavior type. Some examples will serve to illustrate this semantic plurality:
Murinda, a Hutu from Bugoyi reigned Kadasa near Goma, he was surprised that Cyirima the nyiginya who lived across not trying to fight with him and was told that the king did not like his royal drum, its Isanga cows, cows Murinda Nyabarondo and daughter. If Murinda wanted to fight with him, it was enough to call him one of these four things. Murinda he claimed his cows with long horns Muringa. Cyirima consulted his son: “Should I send my cows to Hutu ? “ and his son answered: “How can you call Hutu when he is king in his own country? ‘
Power and its attributes are thus incompatible with the quality of Hutu or at least the rank of pair (from king to king) would not use this term. In the contract ubuhake, the name ” Hutu “ applies to any obligation whatever his parentage. The shebuja said “my Hutu “ to each of its abagaragu. The term Hutu was therefore used in this context as a term for the position of one of the protagonists of the relationship.
It is undeniable that around the word “Tutsi” were aggregated connotations related to reference values of the Rwandan elite. Whether you are in the registry economic, political, ethical or mythical “Tutsi”aggregates the highest values. Hierarchy based Gatwa between the myths,Gahutu and Gatutsi remain identical whatever social and cultural spheres.
The common denominator, regardless of the registry (economic, ethical, political), the semantic network of the term ” Hutu “seems to be the meaning of subordination. Can we hypothesize that this hierarchy is a construction group politically and culturally dominant area of Rwanda?
The Rwandan historian Emmanuel Ntezimana notes that: “references Abatutsi, Abahutu Abatwa and many appear at the end of the eighteenth century. They voluntarily appear everywhere in the lineages that are specific (…) predominant lineages “ . Cleavage Hutu and Tutsi would have been first a political construction staging locally at elite lineage or co-opted by the court nyiginya and its affiliated clans before spreading in society generally; l opposition Tutsi / Hutu opposition eventually cover impfura / rubanda. (Impfura: elite, distinguished, noble, ethical and economic sense; rubanda: the people, the common)
Primitive social cleavage divided not ethnic but separated large families (constituting a class that could, with reservation, call nobility, simple subjects, they were farmers and shepherds, and regardless of their origins.
Phenomena of transition from class Hutu Tutsi class ( ukwihutura ) or conversely, class Tutsi class Hutu (gucupira), so often emphasized, would have marked the passage of a non-ethnic group to another, but economic status, social and political another. These phenomena as designed, we understand that some ” Hutu “ taking off to marry a woman “Tutsi” were recognized with their families as “Tutsi” as a woman patrilineal organization adopted by the lineage of her marriage her husband whom she provides offspring.
The matrimony was not the only way to access the “dignity” Tutsi. Wealth in herds could also transfer a family group Hutu to Tutsi group. ” The Hutubecame owners of cattle and called ibyihuture “the leaving-the-condition-of-farmer” policies passed in the category Tutsi “According Nkundabagenzi,” the Hutu who, exceptionally, was appointed chief under former regime, was to hamitiser as soon as possible, which had the effect of erasing his lowly origin and was now regarded among his peers as a true Mututsi. ” The best known example is that of the Hutu Tutsi Bisangwa became after his appointment by the mwami Rwabugiri at the head of one of his armies Ingangurarugo: “The attackers avant-garde” .
A distinction between the elite and the common people imfura rubanda, overlapped with the common distinction between wealth (ubukungu, ubikire, ubutunzi) and poor (and munyaruharo mucanshuro) and a fine social gradation between more or less good and bad families according to the occupations ease and reputation. These frameworks structuraient the class consciousness of the former Rwandan.
Crystallization of antagonistic socio-economic Tutsi and Hutu would have operated in the nineteenth century by instituting discriminatory practices between farmers and herders.
At the time when population growth changed the balance land where competition for land between farmers and strengthened, the court nyiginya introduced various reforms: it invented the pastoral booked ibikingi 1840. This practice encouraged farmers no longer depended on powerful local authorities and farmers deprived of land they till (and small farmers). A decade later, was created abanyamukenke function, “Chief grass” , whose task was to manage all remaining pastures in the province except those who were directly assigned to official herds and herders order who used them. This led to a territorial division of responsibilities formerly assumed by the umutware w’intara, “chief of the province” .
It lost some of its prerogatives and its title. It was therefore called umunyabutaka, “Land Manager” . This duplication of territorial authorities had several consequences: it led to an increase in royalties, it diminished the powers of lineages, he divided the agro-pastoral communities as farmers and ranchers no longer depended on the same authority and should benefit more more differentiated. Finally, these reforms were followed by the creation of a new operating system: uburetwa that where it was practiced forced himself especially farmers.
The umunyabutaka considering themselves as the sole master of the land, began to require each family of farmers royalties including a significant portion of the crops and an obligation to provide services two days a week. According to Schumacher all Tutsi herders did not escape uburetwa but the benefits they were owed ”noble” unlike those farmers Hutu who could be asked of a more servile work. This discrimination is combined with differentiation, ” Hutu -Tutsi “ we have already mentioned, in the armies would have resulted in an awareness of difference unfair treatment, and from there, the awareness of a social divide that would divide the whole society into two social categories and hierarchies now the opposite of “Tutsi” and that of ” Hutu “ meaning the Hutu and Tutsi no longer have therefore designated a production function in economic and social status but a transmissible being patrilineal. This extension of the cleavage Hutu , Tutsi, has not been adopted across the Rwandan cultural area.
“Pastors Bagogwe or Bahima mountains of North, under the Second Republic, will be virtually exterminated because they are considered” Tutsi “refused to be assimilated to central Tutsi of Rwanda. Conversely, they considered an insult to be called Bahima and farmers of the North recognized as “Bakiga” and not as ” Hutu “. The Bakiga North, the ” Hutu “Eastern North East and West interchangeably called” Tutsi “anyone came Centre regardless of his lineage, whether aristocrats but both ” Hutu “and” Twa “that made after them accompanied them, then they called Bahima Bagogwe or their neighbors who will later be assimilated to” Tutsi “ .
The genealogy of cleavage Hutu / Tutsi presented here is supported by very detailed field surveys Catharine Newbury Kinyaga conducted in a historic province in south-western Rwanda, remained until the reign of Rwabugiri the nineteenth century, periphery of the centralizing influence of bami nyiginya. The observation of social relations and the analysis of genealogical narratives she collected served as material for his major work, The cohesion of oppression, in which it shows the consolidation of central power, the variability of relations of domination and the cyclical dimension of ethnicity.
In Kinyaga traditions show that the region inhabited rather late immigrants of various origins were in the mid-nineteenth century, a few links with the central government without these bonds do not lead.Immigrants from the center of the shooting from a certain prestige, but local people Kinyaga preserved their autonomy. The desire to expand the central government under Kigeri Rwabugiri have made these options are incompatible. It is at this time that ” Hutu “ have taken connotations, if not servility, at least subordination and without any crystallize a collective identity. The disjunction between origin and lineage allocation of “ethnicity” is in the fact that “it was at this time that people are Kinyaga the arrival of” Tutsi “, even though the history of their lineages attests presence much earlier. ‘
Two options are possible to interpret this phenomenon:
• The first is to consider that the informants who reported the family chronicles have erred in their accounts of the arrival of Tutsi Kinyaga. The error informant is the only solution in the framework of a theory which considers ” Hutu “ and “Tutsi” as ethnic identities and immutable.
• The second is to consider that the informants state the truth of the social perception of what were ” Hutu “ and “Tutsi” ie, relational identities relating to the status and functions which have fluctuated over time and are in region Kinyaga quite recent. Thus, “the Tutsi identity” or “identityHutu “ were not simply a matter of origin even if tends to make people believe the general organization of patrilineal lineage society in which social functions are transmitted from generation to generation. The reader will have sensed, we are inclined to opt for the second hypothesis.
The arrival of representatives of the central government identified as Tutsi resulted in transforming identifiable categories: “The cultural identity based on a paradigm circulatory reciprocity gives way to the center and reports the position in a network unequal exchange. “ During the colonization enhanced the significance of the central government will be reviled, mainly because of the increased burden on the common people.After the Second World War, the first political opposition will be structured based on criteria of social class and not ethnicity. Thus the“Tutsi” downgraded as ” Hutu “ adopt similar positions. It was only in the late fifties, under the influence of radicalization ethnocentric partyParmehutu , a cleavage appear between “poor Tutsi” and ” Hutu “ and that the positions of each other is crystallize on an ethnic basis.
To conclude, it is possible to say that Rwanda, cleavage Hutu / Tutsi existed before the colonial period. But in its form of social antagonism, the premise of this cleavage date of the last third of the nineteenth century. It would be wrong to make a purely Western creation. That brings the colonizer’s own reading of the racial and ethnic divide Hutu / Tutsi hitherto absent and interpretation and tradition mirroring social relations now grown in context of colonial exploitation. Other “inputs” of the German and Belgian supervision will be the exacerbation of social relations that are exploited to establish colonial rule, confirmation of the most humiliating discrimination and the creation of new and finally the final reification categories Hutu , Tutsi Twa and by placing them on all identity documents from the thirties. Many authors report that the inclusion of the word Tutsi or Hutu on official documents was decided by the colonial administration based on the number of cows owned by family.
Possession of ten cows would have resulted in the assimilation group Tutsi. But no author seems to be able to reference any document formalizing the decision, or even to the exact date of implementation.According Hakiza Rukatsi, raising livestock had been used by the Belgian government in 1938 as a criterion to distinguish Hutu of Mututsi when organized immigration to Masisi, Zaire.
This is the will of the Belgian supervisory authority at this time to reduce the number of immigrants identified as Tutsi farmer would have led to control migration flows as a criterion to stop the ethnic identification number of cows owned. For the colonial administration, a Munyarwanda who had less than ten cows was supposed to be Hutu and admitted to immigration.
